Bulletin of the Department of Chinese Literature

　　For the research on Chinese classical literature and aesthetics in the 21st Century, if we recognize “subjectivity in Chinese culture” as the necessary premise, then we should reflect on and take a critical look at the “episteme” popularized during the previous historical period. The purpose of which is to pursue the possibility and examine the appropriateness of academic transformation and paradigm shift. “Cultural subjectivity” is not about the abstract concept of transcendental subjects in the theories about human nature, but about real people existing in the real world. Real people, through conscious efforts and practical experience, gradually form the “historical subjects.” “Cultural subjectivity” can only be fostered and formed through the dynamic process of practicing the Confucian precept, “to study and at due times practice what one has studied.” The discourse on “aesthetic experience” became established during the “May Fourth Episteme” era from the 1930’s to the 1980’s, with Kao Yu-kung and Wang Meng-ou as representatives in Taiwan. It failed to reflect the characteristics of the local culture and the society. After decades of “post-May Fourth,” in the face of Chinese cultural subjectivity or classical literary or aesthetic research in the 21st century, should we not assign the “May Fourth Episteme” to its appropriate place in history, and look for alternative interpretive models, which will lead to the eventual paradigm shift? How do we shift away from the “May Fourth Episteme” in modern humanities research? The fundamental principle I propose is to establish the “inherent structure.” We should stop following the western theories blindly, or applying inappropriate aesthetic theories mechanically to interpret “subjectivity in Chinese culture.” Instead, we should “revert” to what is inherent in the traditional Chinese culture, to establish the “inherent structure,” create our own interpretive models for aesthetics and use the models to interpret the aesthetic experience of “Chinese cultural subjectivity.”

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

　　The fairytale of Liu and Ruan (劉阮) was first collected in Youming Lu (幽明錄), then in Xu Qixie Ji (續齊諧記) and other relevant texts since the Tang and Song dynasties. The development of the story involves many progressive plot layers, with each layer conveying different meanings. These different layers and meanings become clearly recognizable with the help of plot summaries and categorization in ancient Chinese reference books (leishu 類書). During the circulation process of the texts, the story has evolved with changing times and contexts. The story has gone through changes, due to intentional selections and modifications made by the subsequent authors with different viewpoints.

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

　　This paper establishes the narrative mode of “passing obstacle” to interpret Journey to the West, and proposes a theoretical framework based on folk games and ritualistic obstacle passing. This framework is supported by the text which includes words such as “dusai” (賭賽), “dusheng” (賭勝), and the most frequently used “dudou” (賭鬥), all of which are related with wagering. The plots of matching magic power involve adversities in Journey to the West. The demons and fairies carry out orders by the Bodhisattva Avalokitsvara (Guanyin), to test Sanzang (Tripitaka) and his disciples. Dramatic tension is created between the demons and fairies setting up and Sanzang and his disciples overcoming the obstacles. The folk rituals of “passing obstacle” require divine intervention, similarly, the five immortals must collaborate to overcome the obstacles. The obstacles are set up in such a way to resemble a closed, controlled competition, which attracts and encourages readers to continuing reading. Among the demons and fairies responsible for guarding the obstacles, the fairies come into being after many years of practice, while the demons must assume the forms of other beings. The frequency of occurrences of transformation of demons and fairies is evenly distributed between Buddhist and Daoist references. Since Journey to the West is the novelization of Buddhist stories, the pilgrimage should be based on Buddhist belief. However, the plots also involve Daoism, the occurrence of Daoist references is even more than that of Buddhism, revealing the author’s religious knowledge base. The core concept behind the “passing obstacle” narrative is based on “casting and breaking the spells,” however, even though the demons and fairies embody evil forces, they are not all terminated. Some of them are subdued and given the chance to continue practicing, which highlights the emphasis on practicing in both Buddhism and Daoism at the time when the novel was written. The plots of matching magic power are interspersed with the use of many magic weapons, this design connects the relevant big and small incidents to make the stories more interesting. Since the magic weapons are stolen by the demons and fairies from their heavenly masters, their power far exceeds that of weapons of the disciples. The only way to subdue the demons and fairies is to summon the heavenly masters. The plots are designed as such to increase the intensity of practice required of the five immortals, to make the plots more interesting, and are likely inspired by Daoist and Buddhist paintings. The mounts of the Avatamsaka (Flower Adornment) Assembly, such as the Bodhisattva Manjusri (Wenshu)’s blue lion, the Bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Puxian)’s white elephant, and Bodhisattva Avalokitsvara’s golden-haired lion, are modeled after depiction of marks of the embodiment of the fish basket holding Bodhisattva Guanyin. This conception of figures draws from Buddhist altar paintings. The Daoist altar and statues are the inspiration for the Grand Supreme Elder Lord (Taishang laojun)’s blue ox, the Celestial Worthy Savior from Suffering (Taiyi jiuku tianzun)’s nine-headed lion, even the wind, thunder, cloud and rain gods, twenty-eight stars, etc. These figures are often seen in Daoist rituals and not solely based on imagination. This paper also explores how the manifested and hidden meanings are staggered, to understand how the author uses demons and fairies as metaphors for political reality of the Ming dynasty. The demons and fairies that occupy mountains and roads are seen as allusions to the lords and strongmen during the Jiajing era. The funny stories in the novel are designed to mask the harsh reality that the author intends to portray, this may also be why the author did not reveal his name. This is the conventional way to interpret religious literature in a culture relying on allegories to convey meanings.

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

　　This article sums up the pedigree and spell system of the Yuebei magic (月孛法, Lunar Apogee Magic) in the Song, Yuan and Ming dynasties by examining the records of the Yuebei magic in the Fahai Yizhu (法海遺珠, Forgotten Gems from the Sea of Rituals), Daofa Huiyuan (道法會元, Unified Origins of the Dao and Its Rituals) and Cangwai Daoshu (藏外道書, Daoist Texts Outside the Canon). It also outlines the practice and spread of the Yuebei magic in the society as recorded in the Ming dynasty notes and novels. By comparing the Daoist canon and other texts, we can gain an understanding of the Yuebei magic in different texts and the possible relationship between the Daoist canon and popular literature. We can also see how Daoist magic spread among and was practiced by the general public and uncover the diversity of texts. Based on the texts currently available within the Daoist canon, the Yuebei magic consists of two main types, the Taiyi Huofu magic and the Yuanhuang Yuebei magic. The former is governed by Li Yuanjun and the twelve thunder gods, and practiced when praying for rain or summoning deities or demons. Material on the Huofu magic in the Daofa Huiyuan is likely influenced by the Qingwei School (清微派, Pure Tenuity Branch). The latter is governed by Zhu Yuanjun and the ten yin-yang thunder envoys, and practiced for medical purposes or praying for rain. Even though the content is relatively straight-forward, this type of magic, with the needle magic (針法) and the scissor magic (剪法) as its main focuses, can be reconstructed from the main points illustrated by the “Postface to the Yuebei Magic” in the Cangwai Daoshu. This magic combines Daoist medical ritual and actual medical practice and has characteristics warranting further exploration. There is also considerable number of records on the Yuebei magic in Ming dynasty notes and novels, which illustrates the actual practice of the magic in the society. Besides praying for rain, the magic is also used for praying for longevity and marriages. Its rituals involve nudity and is related with the female gender, this is likely due to the counter-cultural, unkempt, nude and barefoot image of the star lord of Yuebei. The star lord of Yuebei was often considered to be a goddess in the Ming dynasty, and therefore shown as a female image. From these pieces of evidence, we can speculate that a branch of the Yuebei magic practitioners morphed the image to be female, consequently, the related rituals concerned women. This is likely a result of change in social custom and thus not recorded by the Daoist canon. The compilation of the Daoist canon went through a process of selection and elimination, a comparison between the Daoist texts and other texts can help us reflect on and use these texts in different realms, especially relevant records in notes and novels, to understand how the general public accepted, imagined Daoist magic. We can glimpse in how Daoist magic was actually practiced by the general public, by comparing and contrasting the Daoist texts and popular literature, to reveal the multiple layers of meaning contained therein.

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

　　This paper examines the interaction between Christianity and Confucianism through analyzing the interpretation of Qi Ke by a pragmatic Korean Confucian scholar Yi Ik (also named Seong-ho), within the context of the fractional struggles during the Joseon Dynasty. The ferocious struggles lasted over two centuries, starting from the beginning of the 16th century. Concerned about the tumultuous situation, patriotic Confucian scholars sought a resolution to the struggles. Seong-ho, a Confucian scholar analyzed the struggles and found them to have originated from over-recruiting through the imperial examinations. Since the number of official posts were limited, competitions among scholars were fierce, eventually giving rise to the struggles that divided the court into eight fractions. Seong-ho determined that jealousy drove the scholars to conflicts, which brought the country into perils. By the end of the 19th century, when the dynasty was coming to its end, scholars failed to conduct themselves properly, yet they led the commoners to engage in fractional struggles. Informed scholars were deeply concerned about the situation and actively looked for a solution. Qi Ke was introduced to the Korean Confucian scholars through the channel of diplomatic envoys. Scholars used the concept of the seven deadly sins (pride, envy, greed, lust, wrath, gluttony and sloth) of the Catholic church to reinterpret the concepts of “subduing of one’s self and returning to propriety” and “self” in the teachings of Confucius. The in-depth analysis of “envy” in Qi Ke led Seong-Ho and his disciples to the belief that it would serve as an important annotation to the Confucius’s four “thou shalt not” in the Analects in their endeavor to resolve the fractional struggles. They also reinterpreted “envy” to better fit their purpose. After the significant “adaptions” made upon being introduced during the Ming dynasty in China, Catholicism underwent re-contextualization in the Korean Peninsula, which had a significant influence on the establishment of the Catholic church in Korea.

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

　　There are many obvious distinctions, in terms of theoretical thinking and ways of expression, between the prevalent level and oblique tones at the present time and the metrical patterns in the Bunkyouhifulon (文鏡秘府論) by Japanese monk Kuukai (空海) in the Tang dynasty. Therefore, the transition from the latter to the former constitutes a crucial issue in the development of metrical patterns in Tang poetry. This paper explores the critical transition by examining the writing rules of Japanese poetry of “the ten clauses” of Zuowen Dati (作文大躰). During this transition, Yuan Jing’s (元兢) second-character rule in the early Tang developed into the second- and fourth-character rules as well as the level and oblique tone manuals in the early modern period. From the outset, we explicate how “the ten clauses” in Zuowen Dati inherited from Yuan Jing’s “four regulations” and expanded on his methods of “the alteration of tonal prosody,” which explains the hereditary relationship between the two. We also analyze the developmental process of “the Nian Dui between the second and the fourth places” in five-character verses and of “the Nian Dui among the second, the fourth and the sixth places” in seven-character verses through the mnemonic phrases - “the second and the fourth places differ while the second and the ninth places complement each other” and “the second and the fourth places differ while the second and the sixth places complement each other.” In addition, the poets must strike a balance between “the avoidance of mistakes” and “the alteration of tonal prosody” in order to fit into the framework of the binary division of pronunciation into the level and the oblique, possibly resulting in the tendency towards simplification. At last, we discuss the forms and significance of the level and oblique tone manuals in their early development so as to compare them with their early modern counterpart, and to reflect on the issues derived from the transition from the metrical patterns to the level and oblique tones.

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

　　This paper aims to analyze the translation, adaptation, reception, and transformation of meanings of Yuan drama in France, using Huolang Dan (author unknown), as an example. The main text under analysis is the French translation of Huolang Dan by the French sinologist Antoine-Pierre-Louis Bazin, which was included in Théâtre chinois (published in 1838) that he compiled. My interests focus on Bazin’s understanding or misunderstanding of the key words and concepts, such as the “Huolang” profession as practiced in ancient China. Moreover, I will examine the differences between the original text in Chinese and the French translation in terms of their content and dramatic forms. Due to Bazin’s misinterpretation, the motif and the narrative perspective of the original text were partly modified in the translation. I will also survey the reviews by Bazin’s contemporary, Charles Magnin, to discover how the French readers observed the Chinese society and customs in the play, and to analyze the reception of the play during the nineteenth century. In addition, I am interested in the adaptation of Huolang Dan by Judith Gautier, titled La Marchande de sourires, which was based on Bazin’s translation. Using La Marchande de sourires as an example, this paper demonstrates how Chinese drama spread through the intercultural practice of translation and adaptation based on the translation.

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31

　　Chen Yinke’s research focused on scholarship both ancient and modern, as well as both Chinese and foreign. Throughout his tenure as a professor in the Tsinghua University Departments of Chinese and History starting in 1931, he was constantly concerned with the exegesis of literary works. During his late years, he even categorized his related research exclusively into the studies of classical and contemporary allusion, and developed a unique critical framework. His emphasis on allusion directly opposed the voices against the use of allusion that arose at the outset of the New Culture Movement. In advocating his “Eight-Don’ts-ism” against allusion, Hu Shi frequently quoted Chen Sanli’s poems as negative examples. Qian Xuantong even placed allusion as the antithesis of vernacular Chinese and urged the complete repudiation of all allusions. Despite their diminishing use in vernacular Chinese, however, allusion still had its place in the field of literary theory. During the early 1930s, Qian Zhongshu, a gifted student in the Department of Foreign Languages of Tsinghua University, still emphasized the positive sides of allusion. Nevertheless, Chen Yinke’s emphasis on allusion in his research was still considered a revolt against the general trend at the time. In consideration of this particular background, this paper investigates how Chen Yinke reestablished the value of allusion in the fields of literary creation and practical criticism through the interpretation of classical and contemporary allusion. It starts with integrating Chen Yinke’s studies of allusion into the context of literary criticism, and reorganizes and reconstructs the formation process, conceptual significance and evaluation framework of his methods. Then the common theoretical assumptions underlying both classical and contemporary allusion are delineated from the perspective of literary and practical criticism, so as to deepen our understanding of the allusive criticism. In the last section, this paper provides an objective assessment of the shortcomings and limitations of Chen Yinke’s research methods. It also evaluates the validity of Chen Yinke’s arguments against the challenges and criticisms of allusion popularized by the May Fourth Movement.

BULLETIN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE LITERATURE NATIONAL CHENGCHI UNIVERSITY NO.31